"Hurry, hurry, hurry! Get in for the group shot!" Dressed in her most festive red at the Fataan Wetlands in Hualian County, an excited woman in her seventies does her best to squeeze everyone in for a picture with Ma Ying-jeou, the presidential candidate of the Kuomintang (KMT).

A political superstar, Ma is a rare politician who needs no agent or representative, but speaks directly to the people.

In addition to the former Taipei mayor's good looks, the Ma phenomenon is a result of his unique political style, his policy decisions, and a temperament of almost monastic detachment.

Ma became an associate professor at National Chengchi University at the young age of 31. At that time, he was brought into the political arena and mentored by former president Chiang Ching-kuo, by whom he was greatly influenced.

Not particularly desirous of material possessions, Ma wears a watch given him by his father-in-law 30 years ago, eats boxed lunches more often than not, and still rents a parking space near his same old house on Xinglong Road.

Married to My Country

He wields his political power with the spirit of the unsullied scholar-official of old. Now a middle-aged man, he is working harder than ever in his role as public servant: "I'm married to my country," Ma once said.

More passionate about his country than about his family and friends, Ma has not vacationed with his family in years.

His presence often keeps heated and unrestrained temperaments at bay.

At political events, loudly laughing and chattering politicos often turn serious in the presence of Ma, who always keeps a respectful distance from notably powerful and influential persons, the uber-rich, socialites, sycophants, and journalists.

KMT secretary-general Wu Den-yih described Ma thusly: "He's neither hot nor cold, neither close nor distant, neither lordly nor lowly, neither confrontational nor yielding." Wu also has noted, "As a friend, he really is a bit bland."

The people expect different things of their leaders in different eras. In Taiwan's first presidential election in 1996, the people craved direct political control, a country by the people. In 2000, they hoped for the democratic vitality that putting a new party in power would yield. Today, after eight years of ethnic strife and democratic turmoil, the people are again expecting something new.

What is it that the people want now?

National Chengchi University political science professor Dachi Liao observes that voters are now looking for an honest, sincere, boy-next-door type of politician who is a good son, a good brother, and someone they can trust.

Ma's genteel, positive, and meticulous image is perhaps what has made him a hot political commodity in Taiwan.

However, as a KMT member of over 30 years, can he overturn the KMT's image as a feudalistic and elitist party that holds little respect for grassroots values? Can he successfully open up real dialogue with the people of Taiwan? And can he safeguard Taiwan's sovereignty while also dissipating cross-straits tensions?

A Beneficial Distance from the Old Guard

In the course of this political battle, Ma is strategically cutting ties with the old KMT baggage.

From the selection of his campaign team to electoral issues, Ma's choices have borne a clear distinction from those of the traditional KMT.

Over the past few years, Ma's character has successfully attracted a group decidedly different from the typical KMT crowd to join "Team Ma" – a group comprised mainly of scholars and cabinet members from Taipei City and Taoyuan County, such as King Pu-tsung and Su Jun-pin, most possessing international perspectives, fresh images, and energy to spare.

Yet "Team Ma" has experienced frequent communication problems and misunderstandings with "Team KMT," known for its focus on propriety and its strongly bureaucratic culture.

The two camps have held polarized opinions concerning myriad issues from brochure packaging to management of the crisis sparked by allegations that Ma held an American green card. Not long ago, Ma was even approached by two senior party members who counseled him to better integrate his team.

In his choice of issues, Ma is avoiding the old KMT baggage like the plague.

As he criticizes the ruling party for rampant corruption, he is often met with similar suspicions concerning the KMT. To this, he answers consistently that his taking office will bring about a positive change by example, while rarely mentioning any comprehensive party reform.

In the past, KMT heavyweights, including Ma, have consistently paid lip service to the goal of "eventual unification" with China. But Ma's proclamation of a new "Three No's" policy (no unification, no independence, and no use of force) during this election is an obvious break from the existing KMT standpoint.

On the one hand, he is ridding himself of party baggage, and on the other, he is reaping the benefits of the party's current superior electability.

In addition to recruiting the KMT-trained economic affairs official Vincent Siew as his vice-presidential candidate, he is riding on the wave of honorary KMT chairman Lien Chan's PRC visit to promote policy favoring cross-strait commerce. He is even planning new major development projects to replicate the KMT's success with its Ten Major Development Projects of the past.

However, even with diligent efforts to cut old ties and milk the current party advantage, it seems Ma is unable to rid himself of all party baggage.

On the eve of the KMT's legislative election victory, all those standing next to Ma were long-time party members over 65 years of age. Lien Chan was first to speak, while Ma was fifth and last.

Seeing this, a scholar was induced to wince, "All those old courtiers from the Lee Teng-hui era, standing in formation, made me suddenly realize, behind Ma Ying-jeou there still stands the old Kuomintang."

Is he merely meek, or does he possess the communication skills that a leader of reform requires?

A Taciturn Boldness

National Taiwan University political science professor Philip Yang believes that Ma's apology to the families of February 28 Incident victims, as well as his willingness to engage in a so-called "long-stay" political campaign in southern Taiwan, is effectively changing the people's perception of the KMT as arrogantly removed from the people.

Rather than say that he has changed his party, one should say that he realizes the potential of the grassroots and the importance of mainstream public opinion.

Ma has had many chances to reform the KMT and the political environment over the past two years.

As KMT party chairman two years ago, when the KMT held more than half of all legislative seats, Ma did little to promote the KMT-sponsored sunshine laws, including the Political Party Law and Public Functionary Assets Disclosure Law. A few newspaper reporters with long experience on the political beat believe he lacks leadership and administrative abilities.

Ma himself refutes these doubts. "Many believe me to be unassertive, that I know only how to jog and swim, which is simply not true... I used to not be so confident. I was only in a supportive position at both the Research, Development and Evaluation Commission and the Mainland Affairs Council, but my eight years as mayor of Taipei helped me to discover my talent for leadership... I'm honorable and uncorrupt, and I possess foresight, innovation, strategic thinking, and administrative ability."

Ma points to his accomplishments as mayor of Taipei, being responsible for decreased garbage volume, the establishment of the Neihu Technology Park, and the promotion of Taipei as an international metropolis, as proof of his comprehensive leadership abilities, and ascribes a "taciturn boldness" to his political style.

Implementing popular change is easy, but going against the grain to do the impossible will require great courage.

"Give me eight years, and I'll give you a century of prosperity," Ma pledged during his campaign; his team has even presented a set of 21 grandiose policy directives. But among all these proposals, there has been no mention of KMT party reform or the future restructuring of government.

Putting an End to Antagonism

A lone star in a time of political chaos, Ma's gentility has convinced many he would not be a leader who would create antagonism among the people.

What is more important to the cultivation of the people's trust in their new leader, however, is whether he can successfully handle a crisis. Can Ma, fast approaching his sixtieth birthday, reap the advantages of globalization whilst avoiding its pitfalls?

Can this upright scholar-official lead reform and elevate the quality of democracy in Taiwan? It seems the days ahead will be an unprecedented test of his mind and spirit.

Translated from the Chinese by Ellen Wieman

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Chinese Version: 亂世孤星　能否帶領變革?